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Maddalena Corvaglia, dopo mesi di relazione, svela finalmente chi è il suo nuovo compagno. Ecco tutti i dettagli…

Maddalena Corvaglia è uscita allo scoperto con il suo nuovo compagno . Si chiama Alessandro Viani, è di Milano, ha un’agenzia immobiliare e due figli. Dopo la fine del matrimonio con Stef Burns , famoso chitarrista, Maddalena ha svelato a Oggi di aver ritrovato l’amore.

nuovo compagno matrimonio con Stef Burns
inRead invented by Teads

“È un uomo su cui puoi contare sempre, generoso e affidabile , nato per fare il papà. E anche se Jamie un padre ce l’ha – e nessuno glielo vuole togliere – Ale la ama come se fosse figlia sua. Per me, era una condizione irrinunciabile: non avrei mai potuto stare insieme a un uomo che non ci avesse amato entrambe “, ha raccontato.

generoso e affidabile anche se Jamie un padre ce l’ha Ale la ama come se fosse figlia sua.

Ma la Corvaglia non ha parlato solo del nuovo rapporto che ha cominciato in questi mesi. La splendida conduttrice di Paperissima Sprint ha anche ripercorso i momenti più difficili della separazione dall’ex marito:

i momenti più difficili della separazione

“Quando mi sono trasferita a Los Angeles ho scoperto che la persona che ho amato per sei anni semplicemente non esisteva. Ho fatto di tutto per salvare il mio matrimonio. Poi ho dovuto ammetterlo, prima di tutto con me stessa: era finita, senza che potessi farci nulla “, ha svelato a Oggi.

Ho fatto di tutto per salvare il mio matrimonio.

Maddalena Corvaglia ha ritrovato il sorriso con un nuovo compagno , ma la ex velina non ha ancora dimenticato i terribili momenti vissuti dalla fine del matrimonio con Stef Burns. Ecco cosa ha raccontato a Oggi:

un nuovo compagno fine del matrimonio

Separarmi da mio marito Stef Burns è stato durissimo . Ho passato un anno e mezzo molto difficile, stavo male, non dormivo la notte”.

Separarmi da mio marito Stef Burns è stato durissimo

Non solo, Maddalena ha rivelato che una persona in particolare le è stata accanto in quei momenti: Ad aiutarmi nei mesi più duri è stata Elisabetta Canalis , un’amica meravigliosa. Senza di lei non ce l’avrei mai fatta”.

Ad aiutarmi è stata

La Corvaglia ha poi parlato della figlia Jamie che ora ha sei anni e mezzo: “Insieme, Jamie e io siamo felici. Ora voglio solo darle serenità: è una bambina stupenda, buffa, curiosa, ma nell’ultimo anno ha vissuto tanta tensione”.

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In recent weeks, as a new wave of Central American asylum seekers arrived at the U.S. southern border — and the Trump administration set about willfully traumatizing their children — two popular myths about immigration politics in the United States came back into fashion.

The first myth is that the American electorate’s embrace of Donald Trump, and the Republican Party’s broader adoption of xenophobic populism, were both products of the federal government’s persistent failure to secure our nation’s borders. The second, related fiction, is that Democrats can reduce support for nativist demagoguery — and regain many an Obama-to-Trump voters’ trust — by proving their bona fides as border enforcers.

“Donald Trump was elected in great part because of the crisis on the border in 2014 and 2015,” The Atlantic ’s David Frum recently asserted, in a column that advised Democrats to enforce the border humanely . “When Trump promised a wall on the border, this was the problem that the wall was supposed to resolve.”

Pascal-Emmanuel Gobry offered The Atlantic ’s readers a similar take , arguing that, while most Americans oppose Trump’s family separation policy, many “might regard Democrats as just as extreme as Trump” on questions of immigration; after all, six in ten Americans tell pollsters they want increased border security. Therefore, to regain the public’s faith — without abandoning their party’s commitment to mass legal immigration and the humane treatment of the undocumented — Gobry advises Democrats to follow the lead of French president Emmanuel Macron, and show the electorate that they “can actually be tough on illegal and irregular immigration.”

These analyses are superficially plausible, but fundamentally misguided. In truth, the nativist turn in American politics has not been driven by the public’s concerns about border security, per se, but rather by widespread anxieties about rapid demographic change. And that change cannot be reversed — or even meaningfully slowed — by reducing illegal immigration.

The Democrats’ chief liability with (white, non-college-educated) swing voters on immigration, meanwhile, is not that the party failed to secure the southern border during Barack Obama’s time in office. Rather, it is the fact that the Democrats rely on overwhelming support from nonwhite and foreign-born voters — and consequently, tend to frame the growing diversity of the United States as a positive development. These facts make it fairly easy for Republicans to portray Democrats as agents of unwanted demographic change — ones who cannot be trusted to prioritize the interests of middle-class whites over those of foreigners.

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